Posts Tagged ‘East-West Center’

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America’s Pacific Century


Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
East-West Center
Honolulu, HI
November 10, 2011



DR. MORRISON: How do you introduce the Secretary of State? And I think the first thing I think of as a public servant, we sometimes hear the word public servant spoken in a kind of derogatory tone. But the public servants that I’ve known, the members of our state and local government, members of our Congress, members of the international community, with a lot of volunteers and within a certain (inaudible) of the Department of State, are people who are incredibly dedicated and work tirelessly.

But there’s no one, I think, who is more tireless than the Secretary of State, and our own little vignette on this is that there was 25 years that the East-West Center saw no Secretary of State come to our campus. And in the last two years, we’ve seen this Secretary of State three times. (Applause.) Now I have learned one other thing about her this time. She is a risk-taker. We told her that the weather was going to be raining, the program should be on the inside, and she told us that the weather was going to be fine – (laughter) – that the program was going to be on the outside. And you can see who won the argument – (laughter) – but I think calculated and intelligent risk and something we also need in public service.

So I’m very pleased to present our Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton. (Applause.)

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you. Thank you all. Aloha.


SECRETARY CLINTON: And it is such a great pleasure for me to be here, back in Hawaii and at the East-West Center. This is America’s gateway to Asia, and one of the loveliest places in the world. I cannot speak for the 25 years of gap between secretaries of state coming here, but I am pleased that I have found my way here now for the third time. And the United States is so proud to host this year’s APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Honolulu, not only because we are committed to our partners in APEC, but also because it gives us the chance to share with them Hawaii’s beauty and culture, and I know that President Obama is eager to welcome everyone to his hometown when he arrives here tomorrow.

Now, there are so many people in this audience that I would like to acknowledge. First, we are joined by leaders and representatives from a dozen Pacific Island nations. This region is known as the Asia Pacific, but sometimes the second word gets less attention than the first. And the Obama Administration has taken many steps to right that balance. We have reopened our USAID office, reinvigorated our commitment to the Pacific Island Forum, and have worked more closely with all our Pacific partners to address urgent challenges from climate change to pandemic health threats to environmental degradation. So I want to thank the Pacific Island leaders for joining us today, and for their continuing partnership with the United States. And if I could, I would like all the leaders to stand so that we can properly recognize them. (Applause.)

And of course, there are other very important representatives of Hawaii and our country here with us today. My dear friend and a great leader for our country, Senator Daniel Inouye, and his wonderful wife Irene. Thank you, Senator, Irene. (Laughter.) Representative Colleen Hanabusa and Representative Mazie Hirono, thank you both for being here. (Applause.) Governor, thank you for being here and welcoming me with a warm Aloha. (Applause.) The governor said he was much happier to see me in Hawaii than in Washington. I wonder why. (Laughter.) I also have a number of other friends who are here, in particular former Governor and Mrs. Ariyoshi who are here, thank you – (applause) – former Governor and Mrs. Waihee who are here, thank you – (applause) – and so many others whom I am always pleased to see and look forward to continuing our relationship on a range of issues.

I know that it’s exciting for all of us to be here on the cusp of APEC, and I want to thank Charles Morrison and everyone at the East-West Center because, as you heard from Charles, this is the third time I’ve come on my way to somewhere else in the Asia Pacific, and I’m always grateful for the opportunity to come here to the East-West Center, because the ties between East and West are absolutely critical to our U.S. foreign policy. And to that end, I know that this is a whole-of-government effort. It’s not only our civilian representatives who are focused on and engaged with the Asia Pacific, but also our military leaders, and I want to thank Admiral Willard, Admiral Walsh, and all of the military leaders who represent us so well in the Asia Pacific. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Now from the very beginning, the Obama Administration embraced the importance of the Asia Pacific region. So many global trends point to Asia. It’s home to nearly half the world’s population, it boasts several of the largest and fastest-growing economies and some of the world’s busiest ports and shipping lanes, and it also presents consequential challenges such as military buildups, concerns about the proliferation of nuclear weapons, natural disasters, and the world’s worst levels of greenhouse gas emissions. It is becoming increasingly clear that in the 21st century, the world’s strategic and economic center of gravity will be the Asia Pacific, from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the Americas. And one of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decades will be to lock in a substantially increased investment – diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise – in this region.

Across the United States Government, under President Obama’s leadership, our diplomats, military leaders, and trade and development experts are hard at work reinforcing our relationships in the region to set us on a course for broad and lasting progress.

Events elsewhere in the world have also lined up in a way that helps makes this possible. The war in Iraq is winding down. We have begun a transition in Afghanistan. After a decade in which we invested immense resources in these two theaters, we have reached a pivot point. We now can redirect some of those investments to opportunities and obligations elsewhere. And Asia stands out as a region where opportunities abound.

We have a model for what we and our partners in the region are working to achieve. It is what the United States and our partners in Europe achieved together in the past 50 years. The 20th century saw the creation of a comprehensive transatlantic network of institutions and relationships. Its goals were to strengthen democracy, increase prosperity, and defend our collective security. And it has paid remarkable dividends, in Europe itself, in our thriving two-way trade and our investment, and in places like Libya and Afghanistan. It has also proven to be absolutely critical in dealing with countries like Iran. The transatlantic system is and always will be a central pillar of America’s engagement with the world.

But today, there is a need for a more dynamic and durable transpacific system, a more mature security and economic architecture that will promote security, prosperity, and universal values, resolve differences among nations, foster trust and accountability, and encourage effective cooperation on the scale that today’s challenges demand.

And just as the United States played a central role in shaping that architecture across the Atlantic – to ensure that it worked, for us and for everyone else – we are now doing the same across the Pacific. The 21st century will be America’s Pacific century, a period of unprecedented outreach and partnership in this dynamic, complex, and consequential region.

Now this goal is not ours alone. It is one that many across the region hold. I have heard from many different counterparts across the Asia Pacific an urgent desire for American leadership, which has brought benefits to this region already for decades. The United States is proud of our long history as a Pacific nation and a resident diplomatic, military, and economic power. And we are here to stay.

The alliances we’ve built over the years help provide the security that’s made it possible for countries throughout Asia to prosper. American ships patrol sea lanes and keep them safe for trade; American diplomats help settle disputes among nations before they escalate. We’ve been a major trade and investment partner, a source of innovation, a host to generations of students, and a committed development partner, helping to expand opportunity and bring economic and social progress to millions of people. And as a staunch advocate for democracy and human rights, we have urged countries to strengthen their own societies and allow their own citizens to live free and dignified lives.

Just as our engagement has already delivered results for the people of Asia, it has and will continue to deliver results for the American people. This is a point I particularly want to emphasize. At this time of serious economic challenges, I am well aware of the concerns of those in our own country that the United States downsize our work around the world. When they hear me and others talk about a new era of engagement in Asia I know they think to themselves, “Why would we increase our outreach anywhere? Now’s the time to scale back.” This thinking is understandable, but it is mistaken. What will happen in Asia in the years ahead will have an enormous impact on our nation’s future, and we cannot afford to sit on the sidelines and leave it to others to determine our future for us. Instead, we need to engage and seize these new opportunities for trade and investment that will create jobs at home and will fuel our economic recovery.

And there are challenges facing the Asia Pacific right now that demand America’s leadership, from ensuring freedom of navigation in the South China Sea to countering North Korea’s provocations and proliferation activities to promoting balanced and inclusive economic growth. The United States has unique capacities to bring to bear in these efforts and a strong national interest at stake.

Now that’s the why of America’s pivot toward the Asia Pacific. Now, what about the how? What will this next chapter in our engagement with Asia look like? It starts with a sustained commitment to the strategy we have followed in this administration, what I have called forward-deployed diplomacy. That means dispatching the full range of our diplomatic resources, including our highest-ranking officials, our diplomats and development experts, and our permanent assets, to every country and corner of the region.

Specifically, we are moving ahead on six key lines of action, which I have previously discussed in depth. They are: strengthening our bilateral security alliances; deepening our working relationships with emerging powers; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights.

In the next two weeks, we will make progress on all of these fronts. I will join President Obama as he hosts the APEC Leaders’ Meeting right here in Honolulu, and next week in Indonesia as he becomes the first American president to attend the East Asia Summit. We will also place special emphasis on engaging each of our five treaty allies, starting with the President’s extended meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Noda here in Hawaii. The President will then go on to Australia, and I will travel to the Philippines and Thailand. And later this month, I’ll visit South Korea for the Fourth High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness.

So these coming days represent a significant period of engagement, and let me briefly describe our goals, tracking our travels from APEC to our allies to the East Asia Summit. Economic issues are front and center in these relationships. American businesses are eager for more opportunities to trade and invest in Asian markets. And we share with most nations the goal of broad-based, sustainable growth that expands opportunity, protects workers and the environment, respects intellectual property, and fosters innovation.

But to accomplish these goals, we have to create a rules-based order, one that is open, free, transparent, and fair. As a member of APEC and host of this meeting, the United States will drive an agenda focused on strengthening regional economic integration, promoting green growth, and advancing regulatory cooperation and convergence. And we will continue to work through APEC to invest in the economic potential of women, whose talents and contribution still often go untapped. This agenda will create jobs and generate growth for all of us, but only if all of us play by the rules. We have to remove barriers, both at borders and behind borders, barriers like corruption, the theft of intellectual property, government practices that distort fair competition. Economic integration must be a two-way street.

There is new momentum in our trade agenda with the recent passage of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement and our ongoing work on a binding, high-quality Trans-Pacific Partnership, the so-called TPP. The TPP will bring together economies from across the Pacific, developed and developing alike, into a single 21st century trading community. A rules-based order will also be critical to meeting APEC’s goal of eventually creating a free trade area of the Asia Pacific.

The United States will continue to make the case that, as a region, we must pursue not just more growth but better growth. This is not merely a matter of economics. It goes to the central question of which values we will embrace and defend. Openness, freedom, transparency, and fairness have meaning far beyond the business realm. Just as the United States advocates for them in an economic context, we also advocate for them in political and social contexts.

We support not only open economies but open societies. And as we engage more deeply with nations with whom we disagree on issues like democracy and human rights, we will persist in urging them to reform. For example, we have made it clear to Vietnam that if we are to develop a strategic partnership, as both nations desire, Vietnam must do more to respect and protect its citizens’ rights.

And in Burma, where the United States has consistently advocated for democratic reforms and human rights, we are witnessing the first stirrings of change in decades. Now, many questions remain, including the government’s continued detention of political prisoners, and whether reform will be sustained and extended to include peace and reconciliation in the ethnic minority areas. Should the government pursue genuine and lasting reform for the benefits of its citizens, it will find a partner in the United States.

As for North Korea, it shows a persistent disregard for the rights of its citizens and presents a major security challenge to its neighbors. We will continue to speak out forcefully against the threat from the regime that it poses to its own people and beyond.

Our commitment to democracy and human rights is shared by many nations in the region, in particular our treaty allies – Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand. These five alliances are the fulcrum for our efforts in the Asia Pacific. They have underwritten regional peace and security for more than half a century. They leverage our regional presence and enhance our regional leadership at a time of evolving security challenges.

And now we are updating those alliances for a changing world with three guidelines in mind. First, we are working to ensure that the core objectives of our alliances have the political support of our people. Second, we want our alliances to be nimble and adaptive so they can continue to deliver results. And third, we are making sure that our collective defense capabilities and communications infrastructure are operationally and materially capable of deterring provocation from the full spectrum of state and non-state actors.

All these issues will be addressed in our upcoming visits and meetings. When the President meets with Prime Minister Noda, they will discuss the full breadth of our engagement that makes the U.S.-Japan alliance the cornerstone of peace and security in the region. In Australia, President Obama will celebrate the 60th anniversary of the U.S.-Australia alliance and chart a future course for the partnership. I will do the same in the Philippines, where our two countries will sign the Manila Declaration, which sets forth a shared vision for continued cooperation between our nations. And in Thailand, I will convey our steadfast support for the Thai Government and people as they face the worst floods in their history. In South Korea, we will show once again how our alliance has gone global, through our work together in the G-20 and the Nuclear Security Summit, and now a major forum South Korea is hosting on development aid.

The United States takes very seriously the role that our military plays in protecting the region, including more than 50,000 U.S. servicemen and women stationed in Japan and South Korea. As this region changes, we must change our force posture to ensure that it is geographically distributed, operationally resilient, and politically sustainable. A more broadly distributed military presence provides vital advantages, both in deterring and responding to threats, and in providing support for humanitarian missions.

As we reaffirm and strengthen our Pacific alliances, we are also intensifying our Atlantic alliances, as Europe becomes more engaged with Asia. We welcome that. American and European diplomats have begun regular consultations to align our assessments and approaches. An effective partnership with Europe will be vital to solving many of the challenges facing Asia, and more cooperation between the Pacific and Atlantic regions could help us all in meeting our global problems.

As President Obama and I conclude our upcoming visits to our key treaty allies, I will join him next week at the East Asia Summit in Indonesia. We are proud to be part of the EAS, and we believe it should become the premier forum for dealing with regional political and security issues, from maritime security to nonproliferation to disaster response.

On this last issue in particular, the United States is ready to lend our expertise to help build the capacity of the East Asia Summit and other institutions to respond swiftly and effectively when natural disasters strike. From the 2004 tsunami to the earthquake earlier this year in Christchurch, New Zealand, the earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster in Japan, the flooding now happening in Thailand, the United States stands ready to contribute, to deliver aid, to provide expertise and capabilities, financial resources. Other nations are now making disaster resilience a higher priority. Because even when disaster strikes just one country alone, the impact is widely felt, so this calls out for a closely coordinated regional response.

And that’s what strong regional institutions can help provide, like the East Asia Summit, APEC, ASEAN, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. We need to be able to muster collective action when it is called for, reinforce a system of rules and responsibilities, reward constructive behavior with legitimacy and respect, and hold accountable those who undermine peace, stability, and prosperity. The institutions of the Asia Pacific have become more capable in recent years, and the United States is committed to helping them grow in effectiveness and reach. We are answering the calls to us from the region in playing an active role in helping to set agendas.

Our ability to build a successful regional architecture will turn on our ability to work effectively with the emerging powers, countries like Indonesia, or India, Singapore, New Zealand, Malaysia, Mongolia, Vietnam, Brunei, and the Pacific Island countries. So we’re making a concerted effort to build closer and more extensive partnerships with all these nations. India and Indonesia in particular are two of the most dynamic and significant democratic powers in the world, and the United States is committed to broader, deeper, more purposeful relations with each. And we want to actively support India’s look east policy as it grows into an act east policy.

Our most complex and consequential relationships with an emerging power is, of course, with China. Some in our country see China’s progress as a threat to the United States, while some in China worry that America seeks to constrain China. In fact, we believe a thriving China is good for China, and a thriving China in – is good for America. President Obama and I have made very clear that the United States is fundamentally committed to developing a positive and cooperative relationship with China.

Expanding our areas of common interest is essential. Secretary of the Treasury Tim Geithner and I, along with our Chinese counterparts, launched the Strategic and Economic Dialogue in 2099. These are the most intensive and expansive talks ever conducted between our governments, and we look forward to traveling to Beijing this spring for the fourth round. Now, we are looking to China to intensify dialogue between civilian and military officials through the Strategic Security Dialogue so we can have an open and frank discussions on the most sensitive issues in our relationship, including maritime security and cyber security.

On the economic front, the United States and China have to work together – there is no choice – to ensure strong, sustained, balanced future global growth. U.S. firms want fair opportunities to export to China’s markets and a level playing field for competition. Chinese firms want to buy more high-tech products from us, make more investments in our country, and be accorded the same terms of access that market economies enjoy. We can work together on these objectives, but China needs to take steps to reform. In particular, we are working with China to end unfair discrimination against U.S. and other foreign companies, and we are working to protect innovative technologies, remove competition-distorting preferences. China must allow its currency to appreciate more rapidly and end the measures that disadvantage or pirate foreign intellectual property.

We believe making these changes would provide a stronger foundation for stability and growth, both for China and for everyone else. And we make a similar case when it comes to political reform. Respect for international law and a more open political system would also strengthen China’s foundation, while at the same time increasing the confidence of China’s partners.

We have made very clear our serious concerns about China’s record on human rights. When we see reports of lawyers, artists, and others who are detained or disappeared, the United States speaks up both publicly and privately. We are alarmed by recent incidents in Tibet of young people lighting themselves on fire in desperate acts of protest, as well as the continued house arrest of the Chinese lawyer Chen Guangcheng. We continue to call on China to embrace a different path.

And we remain committed to the One-China policy and the preservation of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. We have a strong relationship with Taiwan, an important security and economic partner, and we applaud the progress that we have seen in cross-Strait relations between China and Taiwan during the past three years and we look forward to continued improvement so there can be peaceful resolution of their differences.

To those in Asia who wonder whether the United States is really here to stay, if we can make and keep credible strategic and economic commitments and back them up with action, the answer is: Yes, we can, and yes, we will. First, because we must. Our own long-term security and prosperity depend on it. Second, because making significant investments in strengthening partnerships and institutions help us establish a system and habits of cooperation that, over time, will require less effort to sustain.

That’s what we learned from our transatlantic experiment. It took years of patient, persistent efforts to build an effective regional architecture across the Atlantic. But there is no question it was worth every political dialogue, every economic summit, every joint military exercise. For hundreds of millions of people in Europe, the United States and the transatlantic community has meant more secure and prosperous lives. If we follow that path in Asia, building on all that we have already done together, we can lift lives in even greater numbers. And this region can become an even stronger force for global progress.

In 1963, President Kennedy gave a speech about the Atlantic community in Frankfurt, Germany. Now, that was at a time when many people were convinced that it would not last. President Kennedy described an “Atlantic partnership: a system of cooperation, interdependence, and harmony, whose people can jointly meet their burdens and opportunities throughout the world.” He acknowledged that there would be difficulties, delays, doubts, and discouragement. But the process of partnership would grow stronger as nations and people devoted themselves to common tasks. He said then, “Let it not be said of this Atlantic generation that we left ideals and visions to the past. We have come too far, we have sacrificed too much, to disdain the future now.”

Well, today, on the opposite side of the world, we have faced a similar juncture. This Pacific generation has and will face difficulties. But our region is more secure and prosperous than it has ever been, and that is directly linked to the cooperation that has blossomed among us. The more we have seen each other’s well-being as beneficial to ourselves, the better things have become for all of us.

Our work may have began long ago, but we are called today with new urgency to carry it forward. And in this, the United States is fully committed. We are ready to engage and to lead, on behalf of our citizens, our neighbors and partners, and the future generations whose lives will be shaped by the work we do today together.

Thank you all very much. (Applause.)

DR. MORRISON: I think that speech was breathtaking in its comprehensiveness, and it was also inspirational and it was visionary, and I think all of us here are proud to be part of the team. There’s no place in the world that I think has a greater stake in the future of U.S.-Asia Pacific relations, so we thank you very much for that speech, which, with the two other speeches, makes a very nice trifecta of speeches. Thank you.

And the Secretary, as she did when she stood here before, has agreed to take three student questions, and I think the first student question is ready. It’s Pattama Lenuwat there, and she is a Thai student in our leadership program, so Pattama.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Madam Secretary, for sharing the foreign policy to Asian – Asia Pacific countries. I feel much appreciate for the policy that the U.S. Government have for the rest of the world, especially for Asian countries. I am Pattama from Bangkok, Thailand, land of smiles, I can say. If you see me smiling, it doesn’t mean that I’m happy all the time, especially during the severe flooding in Bangkok at this moment. And unfortunately, our first female prime minister cannot come to participate APEC meeting this time, so – but I believe that U.S. Government will give a lot of support in terms of financial support to Thailand.

But my question is, in order to see my country to be developed in sustainable way, I would like to know: Is there any plan from the U.S. Government to encourage or increase the trade in Thailand after the flooding is relieved? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well thank you, and our hearts go out to the people of Thailand. This has been a terrible flood and has covered a great portion of Thai countryside, and now, as you said, in Bangkok, it is slow, unfortunately, to recede. So the numbers of people that are without homes may be as high as 2 million, and we are deeply concerned by what is happening right now and what the consequences of this flooding will be. Because your prime minister could not come to APEC – and I think she made exactly the right decision; she must stay and help to lead the efforts to protect the people and take other necessary actions – I will be going to Thailand and I will be bringing with me a strong message of support and solidarity and specific measures of assistance.

We are very willing to help the Thai Government and the Thai people, but we want to be sure that we are responding to the help requested. It is not for us to make a judgment about what you need. It is for us to sit with your government and for your officials to tell us what you require and then for us to respond. But I have been working with Admiral Willard, the leader of our Pacific Forces with the Pentagon. I talked with Secretary of Defense Panetta before I left. So I will be coming with a list of ways we are prepared to help, but also to hear what will be most necessary. And I like the way you said this, that we should look at what we need to do immediately, but then once we get through this terrible period, what more can we do to help Thailand embark on a path of sustainable development.

DR. MORRISON: Now we have Derek Mane. He’s from the Solomon Islands and he’s a Pacific – a South Pacific scholar.

QUESTION: Thank you again, Madam, for the wonderful speech that has been (inaudible) of today. I have a couple of questions, but – however, for the (inaudible) I might be asking just two questions based on the U.S. (inaudible) in the Pacific region. My first question would be on the human right – violence in West Papua. What is the United States stand on the issue of violation of human rights in West Papua in Indonesia?

The other question that I might like, also, to (inaudible) is the economic leverage that China is getting into the region as well. For instance, the Ramu investment in Papua New Guinea for the coal mining, and also the proposed Fiji mining that’s also China involvement in heavy – in economy. What is the view of the United States on that influence? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: With respect to your first question, we have very directly raised our concerns about the violence and the abuse of human rights. We do not believe there is any basis for that. There needs to be continuing dialogue and political reforms in order to meet the legitimate needs of the Papua people, and we will be raising that again directly and encouraging that kind of approach.

With respect to Chinese investment, the United States does not object to investment from anywhere, particularly in our Pacific Island friends, because we want to see sustainable growth. We want to see opportunities for Pacific Islanders. But as I said in my speech, we want also to see investment carried out by the United States, by China, by anyone, according to certain rules that will truly benefit the countries in which the investment occurs. We also strongly believe that the interests of the countries need to be protected. So that if there is development of natural resources, which we are finding are quite prevalent in the Pacific Island nations, we want the people of those nations to benefit, not just the companies and the countries that do the extraction.

So we want a rules-based, fair, free, transparent, level playing field for investment and doing business. But perhaps even more importantly, we want to see the countries benefit. We don’t want to wake up in a decade and see that natural resources have been depleted, you don’t have any better roads, you don’t have any better schools, you don’t have any better health care, you don’t have jobs for the people of the countries themselves because labor’s been imported. So we want to be sure that everybody is signed up to a system of investment and business that will truly benefit the countries where it occurs. So that’s one of the reasons we are pushing quite hard on a rules-based system, and why we’re also talking with our colleagues in – not only the Pacific Island nations, but elsewhere in the region – about what they can do to try to maintain their natural resource heritage.

A couple of countries have done it very well. A country like Norway, which struck oil, put a very large percentage of the oil revenues into a trust fund for the future benefit of Norwegians. Botswana, which has made a great deal of economic benefit from the diamond industry, created a trust fund, so it’s one of the reasons why Botswana has the best roads, why you can drink the water, why the school system is nationwide. That’s what I want to see. I’m not against anybody investing, my own companies, anybody else’s companies. But I want nations to stand up for their rights and to make sure that the benefits of the investments don’t just go to a few members of the elite but benefit the people of these countries who deserve that kind of economic growth. (Applause.)

DR. MORRISON: Now we have Mian Cui from China.

QUESTION: Good morning, Secretary Clinton.


QUESTION: My name is Mian. I’m from China. Since you talk a lot about making new rules, I would like to ask you a question about the future rule-makers still in school right now.


QUESTION: So in this year, President Obama’s speech in the State of Union, he actually said – talked about foreign students studying in the States. He said, like, some are the children of under – undocumented workers, others come here from abroad, study in our colleges and universities, but as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, they send – we send them back home to compete against us.

So I’m actually asking: What kind of adjustment or any changes do U.S. Government want to make or are thinking of making right now in terms of staying ahead in this competition of global talents? And also, what do you expect international education exchange programs to do, and what kind of role do you expect them to play in this process? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: That’s a great question because it’s something I feel passionately about. And my colleague from the State Department, with whom I work closely on these issues, Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell and I, really zeroed in on the importance of greater student exchanges. So we’re doing several things. We have a program to try to get 100,000 more students – more American students studying in China, more Chinese students coming to the United States, but we’re also doing that with Indonesia, with Malaysia, with other countries as well. We want to increase the number of students coming to the United States from Japan and South Korea, which historically have been large pools of students now that needs to be reinvigorated.

We also have a very exciting program that will – that President Obama will be announcing to work with the East-West Center to teach more students in the region English, so that they could perhaps pursue educational opportunities in the United States. Senator Inouye has been a staunch supporter of student exchanges, because he knows how important they are. And so we’re going to keep pushing this. And we’re also trying to change our rules and regulations so that students both are – find it easier to come in the first place and easier to stay after they finish their education. So we fully agree with you that we want to put more emphasis on this.

Another area that we’re focused on is opening up more American colleges and universities across the region, because we think that higher education is one of our great exports, and not every Chinese student or Indonesian student will be able to come study in the United States, but if we can have American colleges and universities that run high-quality programs, we’ll be able to reach more students.

So on all of these aspects of this challenge, we are committed and we’re going to do everything we can to increase numbers and to make it easier and to try to restore the level of student exchange that we had prior to 9/11. Because really, it was 9/11 that began to shut down our borders, make security much more difficult, and we lost a lot of students who decided they would go to Australia, or New Zealand, or China, or India, or somewhere else. And so we have worked hard to clear away some of the necessary security issues to get more students. And we want more American students to go and study as well. So hopefully, you’ll begin to see the changes that we’re working toward in the very near future.

Thank you all very much. (Applause.)

Thank you, Charles. Always good to be here with you.

DR. MORRISON: Okay. Thank you. We wish the Secretary well as she does her duties.

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Video Remarks to Indian Diaspora Event at East West Center


Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
July 12, 2011

Good evening everyone. I am delighted to send greetings to each of you as you come together to find new ways to advance our cooperation with the Indian Diaspora community.Indian-Americans have contributed so much to the fabric of our society. We know that you are scholars, business leaders, politicians and artists, musicians, academics, physicians, lawyers and so much more. And you have helped cement the bonds between India and the United States.

Next week I will be in New Delhi for the second U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, where we will discuss new ways to advance our goals on a variety of important issues. We are working together to create economic opportunity for people, to fight terrorism and violent extremism, to halt the spread of nuclear weapons. We are addressing climate change and giving more people and nations a pathway out of poverty.
But we know that governments alone cannot solve all of today’s problems. That’s why we need your ideas and we need your energy and your commitment to help us meet some of the most complicated and pressing challenges of our time. You and our Diaspora community will help write the next chapter of the U.S.-India partnership.

I want to thank the Indian-American community and everyone here tonight for your efforts in helping to bring our two great nations – two great democracies – even closer together and for contributing in your own ways to a brighter future for all of our people. Thank you very much.

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Another home run out of the park! So well delivered! Superb! The first line is a riot.  Very cute, Mme. Secretary!  Your hair looks beautiful.


America’s Engagement in the Asia-Pacific

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Kahala Hotel
Honolulu, HI
October 28, 2010

Aloha. The original idea for this speech is that we were going to do it outside. And if you saw the front page of the newspaper this morning where I was being greeted by Admiral Willard with my hair straight up in the wind – (laughter) – we decided we didn’t want another story about my hair. (Laughter.) So we appreciate the hotel accommodating us and allowing us to meet inside, although granted the lure of the beauty of Hawaii is right out those doors.

I want to thank the senator for his introduction, but much more than that, for his friendship, his leadership, and his service to our country. There isn’t anyone active in public service today who has done more in more capacities to really represent the American dream and to firmly root it in the soil of his native Hawaii and to represent, in the very best American tradition, the soldier, the Medal of Honor winner, the senator, and just an all-around wonderful man. (Applause.) And of course, it’s absolutely a treat to see him here with Irene and to have a chance to see both of them is a special pleasure for me.

I also want to recognize Congresswoman Mazie Hirono who is here. Thank you so much Mazie. (Applause.) And Mayor Peter Carlisle – Mayor, thank you for being here. (Applause.) I think both Senator Akaka and Congressman Djou were unable to come, but I want to recognize Senator Colleen Hanabusa who is here. Thank you so much Colleen for coming. (Applause.) And when you’ve been in and around American politics as long as my husband and I have been, you make a lot of friends over the years. And I’m so pleased that George Ariyoshi and John and Lynne Waihee and Ben Cayetano are here as well. Those are wonderful friends who we served with and got to know over the years. (Applause.) And I want to recognize Admiral Willard, our PACOM commander; Australian ambassador to the U.S., Kim Beazley. I know there are also students from the East-West Center, and there are some high school students. And I thank the students particularly for being here and all of the sponsors of this occasion.

I’m delighted to return to Hawaii. As Charles Morrison said, my trip last time was cut short by the terrible earthquake in Haiti. But this is the birthplace of our President and America’s bridge to the East, and it is where I am kicking off a seven–country tour of the Asia-Pacific region.

I’ve been looking forward to this trip for some time. From Hawaii it will be onto Guam and then Vietnam and Cambodia, then Malaysia and Papua New Guinea, New Zealand, Australia, and American Samoa. It is an itinerary that reflects Asia’s diversity and dynamism. And it complements the route that President Obama will take in just a few weeks when he visits India, Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea. Together, the President and I will cover a significant portion of this vital region at a pivotal moment, after nearly two years of intensive engagement. And everywhere we go, we will advance one overarching set of goals: to sustain and strengthen America’s leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and to improve security, heighten prosperity, and promote our values.

Through these trips, and in many other ways, we are practicing what you might call “forward-deployed” diplomacy. And by that we mean we’ve adopted a very proactive footing; we’ve sent the full range of our diplomatic assets – including our highest-ranking officials, our development experts, our teams on a wide range of pressing issues – into every corner and every capital of the Asia-Pacific region. We have quickened the pace and widened the scope of our engagement with regional institutions, with our partners and allies, and with people themselves in an active effort to advance shared objectives.

This has been our priority since Day One of the Obama Administration, because we know that much of the history of the 21st century will be written in Asia. This region will see the most transformative economic growth on the planet. Most of its cities will become global centers of commerce and culture. And as more people across the region gain access to education and opportunity, we will see the rise of the next generation of regional and global leaders in business and science, technology, politics, and the arts.

And yet, deep-seated challenges lurk in Asia. The ongoing human rights abuses inflicted by the military junta in Burma remind us there are places where progress is absent. North Korea’s provocative acts and history of proliferation activities requires a watchful vigilance. And military buildups matched with ongoing territorial disputes create anxieties that reverberate. Solutions to urgent global problems, like climate change, will succeed or fail based on what happens in Asia. This is the future taking shape today – full of fast-paced change, and marked by challenges. And it is a future in which the United States must lead.

Because the progress we see today is the result not only of the hard work of leaders and citizens across the region, but the American soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines who protect borders and patrol the region’s waters; the American diplomats who have settled conflicts and brought nations together in common cause; the American business leaders and entrepreneurs who invested in new markets and formed trans-Pacific partnerships; the American aid workers who helped countries rebuild in the wake of disasters; and the American educators and students who have shared ideas and experiences with their counterparts across the ocean.

Now, there are some who say that this long legacy of American leadership in the Asia-Pacific is coming to a close. That we are not here to stay. And I say, look at our record. It tells a very different story.

For the past 21 months, the Obama Administration has been intent on strengthening our leadership, increasing our engagement, and putting into practice new ways of projecting our ideas and influence throughout this changing region. We’ve done all this with a great deal of support from leaders on both sides of the political aisle who share our vision for America’s role in Asia. Together, we are focused on a distant time horizon, one that stretches out for decades to come. And I know how hard it is in today’s political climate to think beyond tomorrow. But one of my hopes is that in Asia and elsewhere we can begin doing that again. Because it took decades for us to build our infrastructure of leadership in the world, and it will take decades for us to continue and implement the policies going forward.

So now, at the start of my sixth trip to Asia as Secretary of State, I am optimistic and confident about Asia’s future. And I am optimistic and confident about America’s future. And I am optimistic and confident about what all of these countries can do together with American leadership in the years ahead.

So today, I’d like briefly to discuss the steps that the Obama Administration has taken to strengthen the main tools of American engagement in Asia: our alliances, our emerging partnerships, and our work with regional institutions. And I will describe how we are using these tools to pursue this forward-deployed diplomacy along three key tracks: first, shaping the future Asia-Pacific economy; second, underwriting regional security; and third, supporting stronger democratic institutions and the spread of universal human values.

Let me begin where our approach to Asia begins – with our allies. In a vast and diverse region, our bonds with our allies – Japan, Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines – remain the foundation for our strategic engagement. These alliances have safeguarded regional peace and security for the past half century and supported the region’s remarkable economic growth. Today we are working not just to sustain them but to update them, so they remain effective in a changing world.

That starts with our alliance with Japan, the cornerstone of our engagement in the Asia-Pacific. This year, our countries celebrated the 50th anniversary of our Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. But our partnership extends far beyond security. We are two of the world’s three biggest economies, the top two contributors to reconstruction in Afghanistan, and we share a commitment to leading on major global issues from nonproliferation to climate change. To ensure that the next fifty years of our alliance are as effective as the last, we are broadening our cooperation to reflect the changing strategic environment. I covered the full range of issues that we face together in my two-hour discussion and then my remarks with the foreign minister from Japan yesterday.

This year also marked a milestone with another ally: the 60th anniversary of the start of the Korean War, which Secretary Gates and I commemorated in Seoul this past summer. And in two weeks, our presidents will meet in Seoul when President Obama travels there for the G-20 summit.

Our two countries have stood together in the face of threats and provocative acts from North Korea, including the tragic sinking of the Cheonan by a North Korean torpedo. We will continue to coordinate closely with both Seoul and Tokyo in our efforts to make clear to North Korea there is only one path that promises the full benefits of engagement with the outside world – a full, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization.

The alliance between South Korea and the United States is a lynchpin of stability and security in the region and now even far beyond. We are working together in Afghanistan, where a South Korean reconstruction team is at work in Parwan Province; in the Gulf of Aden, where Korean and U.S. forces are coordinating anti-piracy missions. And of course, beyond our military cooperation, our countries enjoy a vibrant economic relationship, which is why our two Presidents have called for resolving the outstanding issues related to the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement by the time of the G-20 meeting in Seoul.

Next year marks another celebration – the 60th anniversary of the alliance between Australia and the United States. In two weeks, I will finish my tour of this region with a visit to Australia for the 25th anniversary of the Australia-U.S. ministerial; it’s called AUSMIN. And Secretary Gates and I will meet with our counterparts, Foreign Minister Rudd and Defense Minister Smith. And I – we’ll also meet with Julia Gillard, Australia’s first woman prime minister, and have a chance not only to consult with the leaders, but also to give a policy address about the future of the alliance between Australia and the U.S.

With our Southeast Asian allies, Thailand and the Philippines, the United States is working closely on an expanding range of political, economic, environmental, and security-related issues. This summer, we launched our Creative Partnership Agreement with Thailand, which brings together Thai and American universities and businesses to help develop the innovative sectors of the Thai economy. With the Philippines, we will hold our first ever 2+2 Strategic Dialogue this coming January. And last month, I had the pleasure of joining President Aquino in signing a Millennium Challenge Compact to accelerate economic development and decrease poverty in the Philippines.

With each of our five allies in the region, what began as security alliances have broadened over time and now encompass shared actions on many fronts. And we will continue to ask ourselves the hard questions about how to strengthen the alliances further, tailoring them for each relationship to deliver more benefits to more of our people.

Beyond our alliances, the United States is strengthening relationships with new partners. Indonesia is playing a leading role in the region and especially in regional institutions. As chair of ASEAN next year, Indonesia will host the 2011 East Asia Summit. And as the creator of the Bali Democracy Forum, it is a leading advocate for democratic reforms throughout Asia. Our two presidents will formally launch our new Comprehensive Partnership Agreement during President Obama’s visit to Indonesia next month.

In Vietnam, we are cultivating a level of cooperation that would have been unimaginable just 10 years ago. Our diplomatic and economic ties are more productive than ever, and we’ve recently expanded our discussion on maritime security and other defense-related issues. Vietnam also invited us to participate as a guest at the East Asia Summit for the first time this year. That opens up a critical new avenue for cooperation. And though we still have our differences, we are committed to moving beyond our painful past toward a more prosperous and successful relationship.

Few countries punch as far above their weight as Singapore, and we’re working together to promote economic growth and integration, leveraging Singapore’s leadership in ASEAN and the role it has played in negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership. And in Malaysia and New Zealand, our diplomats and development experts are bringing their talents to bear and building stronger ties on every level, including increased trade, people-to-people exchanges, and efforts to strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime.

In a crowded field of highly dynamic, increasingly influential emerging nations, two, of course, stand out – India and China. Their simultaneous rise is reshaping the world and our ability to cooperate effectively with these two countries will be a critical test of our leadership. With growing ties between our governments, our economies, and our peoples, India and the United States have never mattered more to each other. As the world’s two largest democracies, we are united by common interests and common values.

Earlier this year, we launched the U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue. And one of the core issues we addressed is India’s growing engagement and integration into East Asia, because we believe that India is a key player in this region and on the global stage. That’s why President Obama is also beginning his own major trip to Asia next week with a stop in India. His trip will bring together two of our top priorities – renewed American leadership in Asia and a U.S.-India partnership that is elevated to an entirely new level.

Now, the relationship between China and the United States is complex and of enormous consequence, and we are committed to getting it right. Now, there are some in both countries who believe that China’s interests and ours are fundamentally at odds. They apply a zero-sum calculation to our relationship. So whenever one of us succeeds, the other must fail. But that is not our view. In the 21st century, it is not in anyone’s interest for the United States and China to see each other as adversaries. So we are working together to chart a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship for this new century.

There are also many in China who believe that the United States is bent on containing China, and I would simply point out that since the beginning of our diplomatic relations, China has experienced breathtaking growth and development. And this is primarily due, of course, to the hard work of the Chinese people. But U.S. policy has consistently, through Republican and Democratic administrations and congresses supported this goal since the 1970s. And we do look forward to working closely with China, both bilaterally and through key institutions as it takes on a greater role, and at the same time, takes on more responsibility in regional and global affairs. In the immediate future, we need to work together on a more effective approach to deal with North Korea’s provocations to press them to rebuild ties with the South and to return to the Six-Party Talks.

On Iran, we look to China to help ensure the effective implementation of global sanctions aimed at preventing Iran from pursuing its nuclear ambitions. On military matters, we seek a deeper dialogue in an effort to build trust and establish rules of the road as our militaries operate in greater proximity. On climate change, as the world’s two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, w have a shared responsibility to produce tangible strategies that improve energy efficiency and advance global climate diplomacy.

On currency and trade, the United States seeks responsible policy adjustments that have been clearly articulated by Secretary Geithner and a better climate for American businesses, products, and intellectual property in China. Looking beyond our governments, our two countries must work together to increase the number of students studying in each country. And we have an initiative called 100000 Strong to promote that goal. And on human rights, we seek a far-reaching dialogue that advances the protection of the universal rights of all people. We will welcome President Hu Jintao to Washington in early 2011 for a state visit. The United States is committed to making this visit a historic success. And I look forward to meeting with my counterpart, State Councilor Dai Bingguo later this week to help prepare for that trip.

Now, our relationship with our allies and our partners are two of the three key elements of our engagement in the Asia Pacific region. The third is our participation in the region’s multilateral institutions. When I was here in Hawaii 10 months ago, I spoke about the importance of strong institutions for Asia’s future. And let me simply state the principle that will guide America’s role in Asian institutions. If consequential security, political, and economic issues are being discussed, and if they involve our interests, then we will seek a seat at the table. That’s why we view ASEAN as a fulcrum for the region’s emerging regional architecture. And we see it as indispensible on a host of political, economic, and strategic matters.

The United States has taken a series of steps to build stronger ties with ASEAN, including acceding to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, and opening a U.S. mission to ASEAN. Secretary Gates recently returned from Hanoi where he participated in the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting. President Obama has personally engaged with ASEAN leaders twice to signal how seriously the United States takes our engagement. And we’ve taken a leading role in the ASEAN Regional Forum, where we have discussed ongoing security issues such as North Korea and the South China Sea. On the latter issue, we are encouraged by China’s recent steps to enter discussions with ASEAN about a more formal, binding code of conduct.

With regard to APEC, we see this as a pivotal moment in which APEC can revitalize its mission and embrace a 21st century economic agenda. And we admire Japan’s forward-leaning leadership at this year’s APEC. They have defined a new path forward for APEC on trade liberalization and promoted specific efforts to increase business investment in small and medium enterprises.

We have been closely collaborating with Japan to prepare the way for our own leadership of APEC next year, and that will build on the leaders meeting here in Honolulu. And I appreciate the Host Committee members who are here for your support of this important meeting. Our aim is to help APEC evolve into an important, results-oriented forum for driving shared and inclusive, sustainable economic progress.

The United States is also leading through what we call “mini-laterals,” as opposed to multilaterals, like the Lower Mekong Initiative we launched last year to support education, health, and environmental programs in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam. And we are working through the Pacific Island Forum to support the Pacific Island nations as they strive to really confront and solve the challenges they face, from climate change to freedom of navigation. And to that end, I am pleased to announce that USAID will return to the Pacific next year, opening an office in Fiji, with a fund of $21 million to support climate change mitigation.

Now, immediately following this speech, I will leave for Hanoi, where I will represent our country at the East Asia Summit. This will be the first time that the United States is participating and we are grateful for the opportunity. I will introduce the two core principles that the Obama Administration will take in its approach to the EAS—first, ASEAN’s central role, and second, our desire to see EAS emerge as a forum for substantive engagement on pressing strategic and political issues, including nuclear nonproliferation, maritime security, and climate change.

So these are the primary tools of our engagement —our alliances, our partnerships, and multilateral institutions.

And as we put these relationships to work, we do so in recognition that the United States is uniquely positioned to play a leading role in the Asia Pacific—because of our history, our capabilities, and our credibility. People look to us, as they have for decades. The most common thing that Asian leaders have said to me in my travels over this last 20 months is thank you, we’re so glad that you’re playing an active role in Asia again. Because they look to us to help create the conditions for broad, sustained economic growth and to ensure security by effectively deploying our own military and to defend human rights and dignity by supporting strong democratic institutions.

So we intend to project American leadership in these three areas—economic growth, regional security, and enduring values. These arenas formed the foundation of American leadership in the 20th century, and they are just as relevant in the 21st century. But the way we operate in these arenas has to change—because the world has changed and it will keep changing.

The first is economic growth. One theme consistently stands out: Asia still wants America to be an optimistic, engaged, open, and creative partner in the region’s flourishing trade and financial interactions. And as I talk with business leaders across our own nation, I hear how important it is for the United States to expand our exports and our investment opportunities in the dynamic markets of Asia. These are essential features of the rebalancing agenda of our administration.

Now, for our part, we are getting our house in order—increasing our savings, reforming our financial systems, relying less on borrowing. And President Obama has set a goal of doubling our exports, in order to create jobs and bring much-needed balance to our trade relationships.

But achieving balance in those relationships requires a two-way commitment. That’s the nature of balance—it can’t be unilaterally imposed. So we are working through APEC, the G-20, and our bilateral relationships to advocate for more open markets, fewer restrictions on exports, more transparency, and an overall commitment to fairness. American businesses and workers need to have confidence that they are operating on a level playing field, with predictable rules on everything from intellectual property to indigenous innovation.

When free trade is done right, it creates jobs, lowers prices, fuels growth, and lifts people’s standards of living. I mentioned our earlier – I mentioned earlier our hope to complete discussions on the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement to permit its submission to Congress. We are also pressing ahead with negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an innovative, ambitious multilateral free trade agreement that would bring together nine Pacific Rim countries, including four new free trade partners for the United States, and potentially others in the future.

2011 will be a pivotal year for this agenda. Starting with the Korea Free Trade Agreement, continuing with the negotiation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, working together for financial rebalancing at the G-20, and culminating at the APEC Leaders Summit in Hawaii, we have a historic chance to create broad, sustained, and balanced growth across the Asia Pacific and we intend to seize that.

Sustained economic progress relies on durable investments in stability and security—investments the United States will continue to make. Our military presence in Asia has deterred conflict and provided security for 60 years, and will continue to support economic growth and political integration.

But our military presence must evolve to reflect an evolving world. The Pentagon is now engaged in a comprehensive Global Posture Review, which will lay out a plan for the continued forward presence of U.S. forces in the region. That plan will reflect three principles: Our defense posture will become more politically sustainable, operationally resilient, and geographically dispersed.

With these principles in mind, we are enhancing our presence in Northeast Asia. The buildup on Guam reflects these ideas, as does the agreement on basing that we have reached with Japan—an agreement that comes during the 50th anniversary of our mutual security alliance. We have also adopted new defense guidelines with South Korea.

In Southeast Asia and the Pacific, we are shifting our presence to reflect these principles. For example, we have increased our naval presence in Singapore. We are engaging more with the Philippines and Thailand to enhance their capacity to counter terrorists and respond to humanitarian disasters. We have created new parameters for military cooperation with New Zealand and we continue to modernize our defense ties with Australia to respond to a more complex maritime environment. And we are expanding our work with the Indian navy in the Pacific, because we understand how important the Indo-Pacific basin is to global trade and commerce.

Now, some might ask: Why is a Secretary of State is talking about defense posture? But this is where the three D’s of our foreign policy—defense, diplomacy, and development—come together. Our military activities in Asia are a key part of our comprehensive engagement. By balancing and integrating them with a forward-deployed approach to diplomacy and development, we put ourselves in the best position to secure our own interests and the promote the common interest.

This is true for our forces on the Korean Peninsula maintaining peace and security, our naval forces confronting piracy, promoting free navigation, and providing humanitarian relief for millions of people, and our soldiers and civilians working closely with friends and partners in Southeast Asia to train, equip, and develop capacity for countries to respond swiftly to terrorist threats.

More than our military might, and more than the size of our economy, our most precious asset as a nation is the persuasive power of our values—in particular, our steadfast belief in democracy and human rights.

Our commitment to uphold and project these values is an indispensable aspect of our national character. And it is one of the best and most important contributions we offer the world. So of course, it is an essential element of everything we do in U.S. foreign policy.

Like many nations, we are troubled by the abuses we see in some places in the region. We join billions of people worldwide in calling for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi; her imprisonment must come to an end. And we are saddened that Asia remains the only place in the world where three iconic Nobel laureates—Aung San Suu Kyi, the Dalai Lama, and Liu Xiaobo—are either under house arrest, in prison, or in exile.

As we deepen our engagement with partners with whom we disagree on these issues, we will continue to urge them to embrace reforms that would improve governance, protect human rights, and advance political freedoms.

And I would like to underscore the American commitment to seek accountability for the human rights violations that have occurred in Burma by working to establish an international Commission of Inquiry through close consultations with our friends, allies, and other partners at the United Nations. Burma will soon hold a deeply flawed election, and one thing we have learned over the last few years is that democracy is more than elections. And we will make clear to Burma’s new leaders, old and new alike, that they must break from the policies of the past.

Now, we know we cannot impose our values on other countries, but we do believe that certain values are universal—that they are cherished by people in every nation in the world, including in Asia—and that they are intrinsic to stable, peaceful, and prosperous countries. In short, human rights are in everyone’s interest. This is a message that the United States delivers every day, in every region.

Now, we also know that we have to work with these countries on many issues simultaneously, so we never quit from promoting all of our concerns. We may make progress on the economy or on security or on human rights and not on the other one or two, but we have to have a comprehensive approach. And what I have described today is a mix of old commitments and new steps that we are taking. And through these steps, we will listen, we will cooperate, and we will lead.

Of course, it is the people of Asia who must make the tough choices and it is their leaders who must make an absolutely fundamental choice to improve not just the standard of living of their people but their political freedom and their human rights as well. Asia can count on us to stand with leaders and people who take actions that will build that better future, that will improve the lives of everyday citizens, and by doing so not just grow an economy but transform a country. We make this commitment not just because of what’s at stake in Asia, we make this commitment because of what is at stake for the United States. This is about our future. This is about the opportunities our children and grandchildren will have. And we look to the Asia Pacific region as we have for many decades as an area where the United States is uniquely positioned to play a major role in helping to shape that future.

I know how much Hawaii serves as that bridge to the Asia Pacific region, and I know how the very diversity and dynamism of Hawaii says so much about what is possible not only in our own country but in countries throughout the specific. So we will continue to stand for what we believe is in America’s interest and what we are absolutely convinced is also in the interests of the people of Asia as well. And I look forward to returning to Hawaii for the APEC Leaders Summit when we will take stock of what we have accomplished and how far we have come, and to look to the leaders and people of Hawaii to continue to show us the way.

Thank you all very much. (Applause.)

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Secretary Clinton to Deliver Remarks on American Leadership in the Asia-Pacific Region on October 28 in Honolulu, Hawaii

Office of the Spokesman
Washington, DC
October 27, 2010

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton will deliver a policy address on American leadership in the Asia-Pacific region at the Kahala Hotel and Resort in Honolulu, Hawaii on Thursday, October 28 at 8:30 a.m. Hawaii Standard Time (HST).

The speech is being sponsored by the East-West Center, in cooperation with Pacific Forum CSIS, the Pacific and Asian Affairs Council, the Japan-America Society of Hawaii, the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, the APEC 2011 Hawaii Host Committee and the University of Hawaii.

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Reminder: This will be livestreamed!

Secretary Clinton To Deliver Policy Address at East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii

Office of the Spokesman

Washington, DC

January 8, 2010

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton will deliver an address on the U.S. vision for Asia-Pacific multilateral engagement at the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii, on Tuesday, January 12 at 7:00 p.m. ET / 2:00 p.m. Hawaii Standard Time (HST Local). The speech will be streamed live online at www.EastWestCenter.org.

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Wow! It’s one policy speech after another! Last year I had a lot of angst and misgivings about whether she should accept this post, and after she did,  I had a kind of separation anxiety. All better now! What a year she just finished, and look how she is starting this one!  Go Hillary!

Secretary Clinton To Deliver Policy Address at East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii

Washington, DC
January 8, 2010

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton will deliver an address on the U.S. vision for Asia-Pacific multilateral engagement at the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii, on Tuesday, January 12 at 7:00 p.m. ET / 2:00 p.m. Hawaii Standard Time (HST Local). The speech will be streamed live online at http://www.EastWestCenter.org.

The speech will be open press coverage.

This year marks the 50th anniversary of the East-West Center’s founding by Congress to strengthen relations and understanding among the peoples and nations of Asia, the Pacific, and the United States. For more information on the Center’s history and 50th year commemorations, visit EastWestCenter.org.

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