Posts Tagged ‘Timothy Geithner’

The most crucial thing on Hillary’s agenda for May 2, 2012 was not reflected on her public schedule as released by the State Department. Nor was her first stop at the Wanhousi Temple.

Hillary Clinton


SECRETARY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON: Public Schedule for May 2, 2012

A self-taught lawyer, activist, and hero of the people had, with her approval and instructions, been provided refuge at our Embassy Beijing, and blind and injured, stood to disrupt all negotiations at that year’s U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.

Having made his way to the embassy despite his disability and the physical injuries incurred on his journey to Beijing, Chen Guangcheng had captured media attention and a great deal of American sympathy and Chinese faith.  While Hillary believed and acted strongly from her heart that we needed to move on his behalf, his figure, in a few venues – our embassy and a Chinese hospital –  threatened to hang between two great nations that were still performing a middle school fox trot.

In this chapter, Hillary recounts how she first hears of Chen’s plight prior to leaving for the very important U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, and made an executive decision to accept him at the embassy (and rescue him in order to do so).

There were a several bumps in that road.  Hillary managed to pave them.

Was there ever any doubt?

Hillary Rodham Clinton, Dai Bingguo

Hillary Clinton’s Statement on Chen Guangcheng

May 2, 2012 by still4hill |

Secretary Clinton at Opening of U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue **Video Added**

Hillary Clinton at EcoPartnerships Ceremony

Chen Guangcheng: State Department Update

Video: Hillary Clinton – Timothy Geithner Press Conference in Beijing

Video: Secretary Clinton on U.S.-China Relations in the 21st Century

Hillary ends this chapter with some comments that, on first reading, appear meant to explain China and its way of thinking to the American reader.  When I read it again, I thought it just as likely that she also embedded a message there for the Chinese by expressing that rather than wishing to contain China (the Chinese fear) the U.S. seeks cooperation with China for the common good.

As we know, Hard Choices has been effectively banned in China, but we hope that embedded message manages to get through the Great Firewall.

Hillary Clinton’s ‘Hard Choices’ Effectively Banned in China

In the Wake of the Chinese Ban Simon & Schuster Share a Hillary Clinton Excerpt on China

Hillary Clinton’s ‘Hard Choices’ Retrospective: Introduction

Access other chapters of this retrospective here >>>>




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One prediction that popped up regularly over the past several months was that HRC would, after her tenure as SOS, head up the World Bank,  That rumor crashed and burned in the Rose Garden of the White House yesterday morning as she accompanied Treasury Secretary  Tim Geithner,  President Obama, and the president’s nominee for the position, Dr. Jim Yong Kim, President of Dartmouth for the announcement of the nomination.  Here are some nice pictures of the event.  Congratulations to Dr. Kim!

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Secretary Clinton: November 2011 » Measures to Increase Pressure on Iran

Measures to Increase Pressure on Iran


Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Secretary of Treasury Tim Geithner
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
November 21, 2011

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, good afternoon, everyone. I am delighted to welcome Secretary Geithner here to the Treaty Room of the State Department, and I also welcome his team and thank my team for the work that they have been doing with respect to Iran.

Recent days have brought new evidence that Iran’s leaders continue to defy their international obligations and violate international norms, including the recent plot to assassinate the Saudi Ambassador here in the United States and as verified by the new report from the International Atomic Energy Agency that further documents Iran’s conduct of activities directly related to the development of nuclear weapons. Now, this report from the IAEA is not the United States or our European partners making accusations; this is the result of an independent review and it reflects the judgment of the international community.

There have to be consequences for such behavior. So on Friday, Iran was condemned in votes at the UN in New York and at the IAEA in Vienna. And earlier today, the UN General Assembly again strongly reprimanded Iran for continuing human rights abuses, persecution of minorities, and forcible restrictions on political freedom. The message is clear: If Iran’s intransigence continues, it will face increasing pressure and isolation.

Today the United States is taking a series of steps to sharpen this choice.

First, President Obama signed an Executive Order that, for the first time, specifically targets Iran’s petrochemical industry, a significant source of export revenues and a cover for imports for sanctioned activities. This will allow us to sanction the provision of goods, services, and technology to the petrochemical sector. To accompany this new measure, we will launch a worldwide diplomatic campaign to encourage other countries to shift any purchases of Iranian petrochemical products to other suppliers.

Second, in the same Executive Order, we are expanding sanctions on Iran’s oil and gas business. U.S. law already sanctions large-scale investments in up-stream exploration and development of oil and gas, and now it will also be sanctionable to provide goods, services, and technology for those activities as well. This will make it more difficult for Iran to work around the sanctions and will further impede efforts to maintain and modernize its oil and gas sector.

Third, under an existing Executive Order, we are designating a number of individuals and entities

for their roles in assisting Iran’s prohibited nuclear programs, including its enrichment and heavy water programs. Their assets subject to U.S. jurisdiction will be frozen and American individuals and entities will be prohibited from engaging in any transactions with them.

And finally, as Secretary Geithner will discuss in more detail, the Treasury Department is formally identifying Iran as a jurisdiction of primary money laundering concern. This is the strongest official warning we can give that any transaction with Iran poses serious risks of deception or diversion.

These steps were accompanied today by complementary measures by the UK and Canada, and we expect additional sanctions by other international partners in the days ahead.

Together, these measures represent a significant ratcheting up of pressure on Iran, its sources of income, and its illegal activities. They build on an extensive existing sanctions regime put into place by the UN Security Council and a large number of countries, including our own, acting nationally and multilaterally to implement the Council’s measures. And these sanctions are already having a dramatic effect. They have almost completely isolated Iran from the international financial sector and have made it very risky and costly a place to do business.

Most of the world’s major energy companies have left, undermining Iran’s efforts to boost its declining oil production, its main source of revenues. Iran has found it much more difficult to operate its national airline and shipping companies, and to procure equipment and technology for its prohibited weapons programs. And those individuals and organizations responsible for terrorism and human rights abuses, including the Revolutionary Guard Corps and its Qods Force, have been specifically targeted.

The impact will only grow unless Iran’s leaders decide to change course and meet their international obligations. And let me be clear: Today’s actions do not exhaust our opportunities to sanction Iran. We continue actively to consider a range of increasingly aggressive measures. We have worked closely with Congress and have put to effective use the legislative tools they have provided. We are committed to continuing our collaboration to develop additional sanctions that will have the effect we all want: putting strong pressure on Iran.

Now, the Administration’s dual-track strategy is not only about pressure. It is also about engaging Iran, engagement that would be aimed at resolving the international community’s serious and growing concerns about Iran’s nuclear program. And the United States is committed to engagement, but only – and I say only – if Iran is prepared to engage seriously and concretely without preconditions. So far, we have seen little indication that Iran is serious about negotiations on its nuclear program. And until we do, and until Iran’s leaders live up to their international obligations, they will face increasing consequences.

Now I would like to invite Secretary Geithner to explain in more depth how some of these sanctions will be working.


SECRETARY GEITHNER: Thank you, Secretary Clinton, and my compliments also to your colleagues and to ours – to mine, led by David Cohen and Danny Glaser, for doing such a great job today on these very significant financial actions.

Since the President came into office, this Administration has executed a very aggressive strategy to stop Iran’s illicit activities. A key part of this strategy has been to impose overwhelming financial pressure on Iran, and because of this strategy, Iran has been subjected to new and damaging levels of financial and commercial isolation.

First, we have dramatically reduced Iran’s access to the international financial system. Iranian banks are losing the ability to do business around the world, which in turn has reduced the ability of the government to finance activities opposed by the international community.

Second, Iran’s national shipping line, which has transported material in support of Iran’s missile program, is now shut off from many of the world’s major ports and routinely finds its ships seized or turned away.

And third, Iran’s primary source of revenue, its oil sector, is in decline because it cannot attract the foreign investment that it desperately needs to maintain levels of production.

Together, the intensification of sanctions by this Administration, alongside our partners around the world, has inflicted substantial damage to the Iranian economy. To continue these efforts, the Treasury Department today is designating additional entities for their support of Iran’s nuclear and proliferation-related activities.

Today, we are taking the very significant step of acting under Section 311 of the Patriot Act. For the first time, we are identifying the entire Iranian banking sector, including the Central Bank of Iran, as a threat to governments or financial institutions that do business with Iranian banks. If you are a financial institutions anywhere in the world and you engage in any transaction involving Iran’s central bank or any other Iranian bank operating inside or outside Iran, then you are at risk of supporting Iran’s illicit activities: its support – its pursuit of nuclear weapons, its support for terrorism, and its efforts to deceive responsible financial institutions and to evade sanctions. Any and every financial transaction with Iran poses grave risk of supporting those activities, so financial institutions around the world should think hard about the risks of doing business with Iran.

We are taking this action, as the Secretary said, alongside our partners in the United Kingdom and Canada, who announced earlier today that they were implementing similar measures to insulate their banks from Iran. And as a result of this coordinated effort, Iran is now cut off from three of the world’s largest financial sectors. We encourage other leaders around the world to take forceful steps like these actions to prevent Iran from simply shifting financial activity to banks within their nations.

As we put these new measures in place and as we continue to work to expand their reach around the world, we will continue to explore other measures. No option is off the table, including the possibility of imposing additional sanctions on the Central Bank of Iran. The policies Iran is pursuing are unacceptable, and until Iran’s leadership agrees to abandon this dangerous course, we will continue to use tough and innovative means to impose severe economic and financial consequences on Iran’s leadership.

Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all very much.

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Joint Statement on Iran Sanctions



Media Note

Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
June 23, 2011



The following is the text of a joint statement by U.S. Department of State Secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton and U.S. Department of the Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner on Iran sanctions.

Begin text:

Today, the United States imposed sanctions on Tidewater Middle East Company, an operator of Iranian ports owned by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) that has links to Iranian proliferation activities. We also imposed sanctions against Iran Air, which was designated for providing material support and services to the IRGC and Iran’s Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL), and also has facilitated proliferation-related activities. Today’s sanctions also exposed an Iranian individual and entity for their ties to a company that provided support and weapons to Hizballah on behalf of the IRGC.

The IRGC’s illicit activities and its increasing displacement of the legitimate Iranian private sector in major strategic industries, including in the commercial and energy sectors, are deeply troubling. The IRGC also serves as the domestic “enforcer” for the Iranian regime, continues to play an important proliferation role by orchestrating the import and export of prohibited items to and from Iran, is involved in support of terrorism throughout the region, and is responsible for serious human rights abuses against peaceful Iranian protestors and other opposition participants.

Preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons is a top U.S. Government priority and we remain deeply concerned about Iran’s nuclear intentions. The United States is committed to a dual-track policy of applying pressure in pursuit of constructive engagement, and a negotiated solution.

On June 9, 2011, the P5+1 countries (China, France, Germany, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, and the United States) reaffirmed their concerns about Iran’s nuclear program and their commitment to a diplomatic solution in their statement to the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Board of Governors. Many other governments have also expressed serious concerns about the behavior and policies of the Iranian leadership and have urged Iran to change course and seek a path of negotiation. Yet, in the face of this unified international message, Iran has continued to violate its international obligations and disregard our attempts to start meaningful negotiations over its nuclear program.

For this reason, the United States is convinced that the international community must continue to increase and broaden the scope of pressures on Iran. We welcome steps such as the European Union’s designation of more than 100 entities and individuals last month and the improved implementation of sanctions against Iran that we are seeing around the world.

This month, the United States amplified our sanctions against Iran’s leadership through a comprehensive initiative aimed at Iran’s dangerous behavior–its continued proliferation activities, its human rights abuses, and its destabilizing activities in the region.

On June 9, we sanctioned the Iranian security forces for human rights abuses. Earlier this week, we continued our efforts against the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines (IRISL), which the UN Security Council 1737 Sanctions Committee noted has been involved in several violations of UN Security Council resolutions on Iran.

The steps we have taken this week seek to limit Iran’s ability to use the global financial system to pursue illicit activities. We have made important progress in isolating Iran, but we cannot waver. Our efforts must be unrelenting to sharpen the choice for Iran’s leaders to abandon their dangerous course.

The United States and our partners remain fully committed to a diplomatic solution with Iran. However, until Iran is prepared to engage seriously with us on such a solution, we will continue to increase pressure against Iranian entities of concern.

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Media Note

Office of the Spokesman
Washington, DC
May 25, 2011

Below is the text of a letter from Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Secretary of the Treasury Timothy F. Geithner to their G8 Minister counterparts:

Begin text:

Dear G8 Colleagues,

As President Obama said on May 19, the courage of the people of the Middle East and North Africa has created a historic opportunity. This is a time for the region and the world to work together to support successful transitions toward democratic societies and more inclusive economies.

As our nations gather at Deauville, we should consider several steps to support these goals. We share a compelling interest in seeing the transitions in Egypt and Tunisia succeed and become models for the region. Otherwise, we risk losing this moment of opportunity.

Experience from other democratic transitions has taught us that we should focus on trade, not just aid, and on investment, not just assistance. Moreover, our efforts should be aligned with the needs and aspirations of the people of the region. In Egypt and Tunisia, citizens have outlined several key priorities: improving financial stability, strengthening the private sector, curbing corruption, creating jobs, and further integrating their markets with the region and the global economy.

With these priorities in mind, we should first offer our strong support for the Joint Action Plan of the Multilateral Development Banks. The World Bank and the African Development Bank will bring their resources to bear by supporting home-grown policies and reform agendas. We call on governments around the world—including in the Middle East and the Gulf—to join us in forming a broad and long-term partnership to support Egypt and Tunisia. It will be important to ensure that public dollars help leverage private dollars and grow private enterprise, and that the reforms are driven by the people and leaders of the region themselves.

Second, we should help Egypt convert the debts of the past into investments for the future. The United States is committed to a debt swap for Egypt and we are asking our partners to join us in this initiative. A debt swap will enable Egypt to channel its debt payments toward underwriting swift, sustainable job creation. A shared response in the form of a multi-creditor debt swap for job creation would provide Egypt with financial relief while also ensuring that critical investments are made to improve the lives of Egyptian people. We also should stand ready in the Paris Club to reinforce the forthcoming IMF package for Egypt. At the same time, we should collectively commit to helping newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen.

Third, the G-8 should lead efforts to reorient the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) so that it can play the same role today in supporting democratic transitions in the Middle East and North Africa that it has played over the past two decades in Central and Eastern Europe. Our countries should use the Deauville Summit to support a mechanism that enables the EBRD to engage in the near-term to support private sector development in the region, as well as reforms that create conditions for successful entrepreneurship.

These immediate steps will provide important support to the democratic transitions already underway. But to be most effective, they must be part of a larger vision that connects the region to the global economy.

Non-oil exports within the Middle East and North Africa currently account for less than 10 percent of the region’s total trade— lower than that of any other region in the world. This lack of regional integration has contributed to chronic unemployment and hindered diversification.

To begin reversing this trend, President Obama announced a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa. We ask members of the G-8 and the EU to join the United States and other willing partners across the region to facilitate more trade within the region, as well as between the region and global markets. This plan will increase market access and create new economic opportunities in new sectors, driven by new technologies. Just as membership in the European Union served as a powerful incentive for economic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe after the Cold War, so should the prospect of participating in an integrated and dynamic regional economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and North Africa.

As President Obama said, the greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people. Ultimately, they are the ones who will determine the future of their region. The nations of the G-8 share an interest and a responsibility in supporting these people and their countries as they move toward genuine democracy and more vibrant and open economies. The proposals we have outlined are important steps toward that future and we should waste no time in seizing this moment of opportunity. We look forward to working with you in translating these proposals into results.

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There were not a lot of pictures from today, but some of these certainly deserve to be shared and will likely draw some commentary. Enjoy!

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Interview With Anthony Yuen of Phoenix TV

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Secretary of Treasury Timothy Geithner; Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan; Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo
Washington, DC
May 10, 2011

QUESTION: Madam, the annual dialogue is over, so what can you tell us what we accomplished this time?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, Mr. Yuen, let me start by expressing deep appreciation for these dialogues. For the last three years, as you know, we have held them – two in Washington, one in Beijing – next year we will be Beijing again. And there are very specific outcomes, agreements that are signed, particularly on promoting scientific research, on improving our cooperation in everything from clean energy to agricultural productivity. On the economic side, similarly, a lot of progress in making sure that Chinese businesses in the United States and American businesses in China have a chance to invest and compete.

But in addition to the specific outcome, what I am particularly pleased about is I believe we have developed greater understanding of one another and more trust. Ever since President Obama came into office, he and I have said that we support China’s successful rise. We think a successful, thriving China is good for the United States. We will have differences and disagreements. We are two very different people, and we have different histories. But overall, I think we have charted a very positive path forward.

QUESTION: You – I watch you at the – on the opening day, your speech. You keep on saying that we have to build up the mutual trust between our two countries. So after this meeting, after the two previous meeting, do you think we already build up those kind of trusts you’re trying to achieve?

SECRETARY CLINTON: I believe we have. And I think from the comments of my Chinese counterpart, State Councilor Dai Bingguo as well as Secretary Geithner and Vice Premier Wang, we all feel that we have delved into these issues quite deeply. And we have been willing to express to one another what we don’t understand – Why do the Chinese people feel this way; why do the American people do that?

And during the course of my extensive meetings in the strategic track, I think we have crossed a bridge so that we are willing to discuss at great length difficult, sensitive matters. In fact, for the first time ever, we had a special meeting that included military and civilian officials talking about strategic security issues. We don’t want misunderstanding and miscalculation. Where we have a difference, we want to be very clear about that difference so that there’s no confusion. And I think that creates a greater level of both understanding and trust.

QUESTION: So this morning I read all the major newspapers in this country. Essential to them, and I think as well as in China – they all focus on this is first time the military ranking – high-ranking military office meet each other. Is this a special meaning for us in the future?

SECRETARY CLINTON: I think it’s a very important development, because we want to be sure that as our governments on the civilian side take the time to really listen to each other, we do the same on the military-to-military side. We know that China has such tremendous potential, not just economically but also militarily. And we want to avoid miscalculation there as well. From the report that State Councilor Dai Bingguo and I received from the two leaders of the strategic security dialogue, it seemed as though they had quite a satisfactory conversation. It’s just a beginning, but one has to start somewhere, because we want to make sure that there are no surprises, there is an understanding of the positions that each of us takes, and where there can be cooperation we pursue it.

For example, one of the issues we’re beginning to discuss is with respect to disasters. We’ve had some terrible natural disasters in East Asia, earthquakes in China, Japan, New Zealand, flooding, terrible storms. And one could perhaps argue that the disasters are more intense because of changes in weather patterns. So how do we jointly plan on that? And I think both of use a combination of civilian and military resources.


SECRETARY CLINTON: So here’s an area where perhaps we can cooperate.

QUESTION: How about the (inaudible) of military exercise? Are we going to have – in the future, we have agenda or schedule to make the joint military exercise together?

SECRETARY CLINTON: I think certainly that could be on a future agenda, that there would be an opportunity to discuss that. But we had to start, and I think that was a good start today.

QUESTION: So for the past few years, I keep on listen – watching your speech. You’re always trying to convince Chinese people and government that United States not going to contain China. From your experience when you talk to those Chinese officials, are they being convinced by this?

SECRETARY CLINTON: I think that there’s a lot more understanding and confidence in our intentions and our action. State Councilor Dai Bingguo and I had a very interesting conversation, because he was explaining to me some of the many reasons why he believes that China should not fear the United States and why the United States should not fear China. I agree with that. But we are both large, complex countries, and we have many voices and many interests. We know that China has done a tremendous job in the last 40 years in lifting people out of poverty. We think that’s good for us, so we want to see that continue. At the same time, we want to see China’s economic system and its market become more open.

So we talk about that, and I know China doesn’t want to do anything that in any way interrupts the peaceful rise and the development of the Chinese people. But we make the case that opening up one’s market will actually benefit people. Well, so we have our point of view; the Chinese express their point of view, but that should not be viewed as any kind of interference from either side. We want to just put out all of our observations, and each country is, of course, always having the right to choose one’s own course.

We talk very, very openly about the problems that we’ve got in our economy and our political system that we have to pay attention to, and why, when we have economic problems, there is naturally going to be some concern on the part of some Americans about China’s economic success. So we try to make sure that everybody understands the different point of view.

QUESTION: In the past few years in that program, I was convince – try to convince the Chinese people, saying that criticize always come from good friends. You don’t think, this president is my good friend; I don’t try to criticize him, I don’t – I just want to – so we’re basically – so did you try, from your part, to convince Chinese people, hey, look, I am – you’re a good friend, so I criticize you?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I think you’re right. I think that if you are indifferent to someone, you don’t even worry about that person. You could care less. You don’t want to have anything to do with them. I am very committed to our relationship, not only our government-to-government relationship but, even more importantly, our people-to-people relationship. And I think it’s gone in a very positive direction in the past years.

But at the same time, we have internal opinions, values, interests, just like China does. So we will say we’re not always going to agree, and we do have some questions and some criticism, which we’re happy to share with you in the hope that you will better understand us and maybe it will give you some ideas.

And I remember my first trip to China as Secretary of State. It was in the midst of the financial crisis. And Chinese friends had many critical things to say about our regulatory system, our economic system. And it was good not to pretend otherwise but to say, how did this happen, why did this happen, what are you going to do to fix it. So we’ve had, I think, a very good and friendly exchange.

Now, sometimes the media paints it as something other than part of the ongoing dialogue. And what I have told Americans is we will, for example, raise questions about human rights, but that doesn’t prevent us from working on critical issues that will determine the quality of life that people lead. How do we keep our economies growing? If the United States and China don’t cooperate, the world will suffer. How do we deal with climate change? How do we deal with energy? How do we deal with all of these issues – food security, clean water – which are critically important to the people that we both represent? So it’s not either/or. It’s a combination. It is, as both President Hu Jintao and President Obama said, we want a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship.

QUESTION: I remember when once I read an article from your New York Times. It says you consider China as a banker, banker of United States. So you always trying to make this banker build up a closer relationship between United States and the banker. So for the past years, do you think we approach closer?

SECRETARY CLINTON: I do. And I remember when I said that. It was back in my campaign for president. And that was a criticism of my own government and my own political system; that when my husband left the presidency, the United States had a balanced budget and a surplus, and we were on a path to financial independence. For many reasons, at this point in time, we are deeply in debt, we run big deficits, and it’s deeply disturbing to many Americans.

So what I was pointing out is that we had, in effect, not just to China – we have Japan, European, we have many countries that have faith in the American economy and have bought American debt, but I prefer that we be more independent. I think it’s a better path for a nation. That’s not a reflection on our respect for China or Japan or Europe or anyone else.

So that was actually a criticism of my own country, but I think you are right to point out that we have worked hard in the Obama Administration to avoid what could have been an awkward relationship, where we were in a very difficult economic position and we did owe a lot of money to China, and we did have to figure out how to get the global economy going. And I really give both President Hu Jintao and President Obama a lot credit, because it could have been easy for Americans to overreact or for Chinese officials to say well, we’re not going to work together. But instead, they rose above the politics in both countries and they provided great leadership. And now, we are on the brink of moving away from the worst of the financial crisis which, if we had not worked together, could’ve become another Great Depression.

QUESTION: Right. One of the obstacle bothers our relationship is Taiwan –


QUESTION: — arm sales to Taiwan. And recently, before I come here, I read an article from the – a Taiwanese newspaper saying that they are going to give up the compulsory military service in – and replace with the enlisting system, so they give money. It’s fund – allocated money into that system now, so they want to delay maybe two or three years to purchasing these weapons or the military equipment from United States. What this shows to you?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I’m not aware of that recent report, but we are committed to a one China policy. And in our dialogue, I expressed respect for the way that China has been creating more positive feelings and more cross-strait economic and other activities so that the relationship between China and Taiwan, it appears, is on a much better basis. And what we have continued to stress is that we want to see an improvement in China-Taiwan relations, and it is important for both sides to work together. But our position has always been based on the three communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act, and it has not changed and it will not change.

QUESTION: And, for example, the people in Taiwan, including Ma Ying – President Ma Ying-jeou said that according to their constitution, they’ve been already independent. They don’t have to declare independence anymore. So in this case, what’s your position, in the U.S. position?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Our position is still the one China policy, and it will remain that. Now, we don’t take a position on Taiwan elections or Taiwan political statements. That’s for the Taiwanese people. But we do believe that the more there can be cooperative arrangements, like the recent economic agreements that were reached between Taiwan and China, the better that is for everyone.

QUESTION: One last question I want to ask you, otherwise my female audience will complain. (Laughter.) They keep on asking me, said if you have chance to ask Mrs. Clinton – how do you balance your public life, a good politician, and your private life as a wife and first lady or mother of Chelsea?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, it is a difficult question for any woman to answer, I think, Mr. Yuen. I think that the truth is that we all balance in our own way, and it depends upon what stage of life you’re in. I will be very honest with you in saying that it would have been impossible for me to do this job if my daughter were not already an adult and now a very happily married young woman. I could not have been away as much if I had had small children. You just have to try to balance where you are in your life.

And for young women with children, I often tell them that their most important job, once they have children, is the raising of their children. I am a strong supporter of women being able to work in the workplace and being able to make good decisions for themselves. I would like to see both of our countries do more to help more women in the workplace.

But women in my lifetime have certainly seen their opportunities expand. More young women are now in positions that had never been held by women before, so more young women will be working to balance their family responsibilities with their outside requirements, whether it’s in the workplace or in some other academic or athletic or entertainment pursuit.

And I guess the final thing I would say about that is I’m a very lucky person because I have been able to practice law, to be a law professor, to be a fulltime volunteer when my husband was president, to be a senator, to be a secretary of state. And I have a great commitment to helping more women have the opportunity to make the best decisions for themselves. And one of the aspects of the dialogue is this new women leadership program that we have started, so that I will be meeting with a large number of women leaders from China and women leaders from the United States. And when women in positions of responsibility get together, we often talk about what are the tricks for balancing family and work. And I know how lucky I am that I’ve had these opportunities, but I want more women, particularly young women, to have the same choices.

QUESTION: But do President Clinton and Chelsea complain you don’t give them more time?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, my husband’s pretty busy too, and my daughter is very busy, so we find as much time together as possible. We have a home in New York where we love to spend time together. We were just together over the past weekend for Mother’s Day. We talk on the phone, we email a lot. And I had the wonderful experience last summer of working on my daughter’s wedding. So I will, when I retire from this position, have much more time. But right now I work for as much time together as I possibly could schedule.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Madam. Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you. It’s wonderful to talk with you. Thank you.

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Joint Closing Remarks for the Strategic and Economic Dialogue


Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Secretary of Treasury Timothy Geithner; Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan; Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo
Sidney R. Yates Auditorium, Department of the Interior
Washington, DC
May 10, 2011

SECRETARY CLINTON: Good afternoon. I want to begin by thanking our Chinese colleagues, led by Vice Premier Wang and State Councilor Dai and the entire Chinese delegation for a productive and comprehensive dialogue between us. And I also, along with Secretary Geithner, want to thank everyone on the American side, not just those from the State Department or Treasury but indeed from across our government. The unprecedented level of involvement and the extraordinary work that has taken place since our last S&ED in Beijing was truly impressive.

The Strategic and Economic Dialogue continues to grow broader and deeper. It reflects the complexity and the importance of our bilateral relationship. And we have covered a lot of ground together, and I’m happy to report we have made a lot of progress. The list of agreements and understandings reached is quite long. We have seen concrete progress on a wide range of shared challenges, from the energy and environment to international trade and security. For example, there is now a new partnership that will bring U.S. and Chinese companies and universities together. Those which are developing innovative environmental technologies will now be working bi-nationally and with local governments and NGOs to promote sustainable development projects such as next generation batteries for electric cars, and new clean air and water initiatives. Already, Tulane University in New Orleans and East China Normal University are collaborating to improve the conservation of wetlands, and we have seen many other examples.

We are also laying the groundwork for potentially significant future collaboration on development, from working together to innovate and distribute clean cookstoves and fuels to strengthening public health systems in developing countries. And our people-to-people programs continue to expand, most notably our “100,000 Strong” Student Exchange Initiative, which has already raised the stated goal of dollars to go along with the very generous Chinese Government support for 20,000 American students because all of us are committed to increase more people-to-people interactions and opportunities. Now, I am well aware that these specific and very substantive partnerships may not produce major headlines, but I think they do reflect our shared commitment to translate the high-level sentiments and rhetoric of these diplomatic encounters to real world benefits for our citizens, our countries, and the wider world.

Just as important, although perhaps even harder to quantify, are the habits of cooperation and mutual respect that we’ve formed through these discussions. We believe that to keep our relationship on a positive path, as foreseen by Presidents Obama and Hu, the United States and China have to be honest about our differences and address them firmly and forthrightly. At the same time, we are working together to expand the areas where we cooperate and narrow the areas where we diverge. And we are building up a lot more understanding and trust. So we discussed everything, and whether it was something that was sensitive to us or sensitive to them, all the difficult issues, including human rights. And we both have made our concerns very clear to the other. We had candid discussions on some of our most persistent challenges, from addressing North Korea and Iran to rebalancing the global economy.

We agreed on the importance of cooperating in Afghanistan to advance common goals of political stability and economic renewal. We established a new U.S.-China consultation on the Asia-Pacific region, where we share a wide range of common interests and challenges. And for the first time in these dialogues, senior military and defense leaders from both sides sat down face to face in an effort to further our understanding, to develop trust, and avoid misunderstandings that can lead to dangerous miscalculations. This new strategic security dialogue is a very important step forward, and we think it will add immeasurably to our bilateral relationship.

As we have discussed these issues and as we have committed to keeping the relationship moving forward, we have some milestones ahead of us. For the first time, President Obama plans to participate in this year’s East Asia Summit. And Vice President Biden will travel to China this summer, continuing our discussions on the full range of shared regional and global challenges. And he hopes to return the hospitality by welcoming Vice President Xi Jinping to Washington at a later date. I look forward to seeing our Chinese partners at the ASEAN Regional Forum in Indonesia, and both the President and I and the Secretary are greatly anticipating the United States hosting APEC in Hawaii.

Now, those are just a few of the highlights. But day to day, at every level of our governments, we are working hard to build that positive, cooperative, comprehensive relationship that our two presidents have asked for. This is the long, hard, unglamorous work of diplomacy. At our plenary sessions that State Councilor Dai and I chaired yesterday, there was a dizzying array of issues that we are working on together, and I felt very satisfied because that was not the case two years ago. And I anticipate that we are going to see further progress, because we want to realize the full promise of our partnership, and we very fervently hope to leave a more peaceful and prosperous world for our children and our children’s children.

So let me again thank our Chinese friends for making this long journey and for working as we move forward on our journey together into the future.

Now, I am pleased to turn to my colleague and partner, Secretary Geithner.

SECRETARY GEITHNER: Thank you, Secretary Clinton. Let me outline the highlights of our discussions on the economic side.

We had a very comprehensive discussion about a full range of economic issues between us and facing the global economy. As always, we reviewed the major risk and challenges to our – to growth domestically in China and the United States, and we talked about the major risks and challenges on the global economic front. We talked about the investment climate in both countries. We talked about energy policy, financial reform – very comprehensive discussions. And we benefited on the U.S. and on the Chinese side from an exceptionally talented and very senior delegation of financial exports – experts, members of the cabinet, regulators, et cetera. And that’s very important.

Now, our three key objectives on the U.S. side were: first, to encourage the ongoing transformation of the Chinese economy away from its export-dependent growth model of the past to a more balanced growth strategy led by domestic demand; to encourage China to level the competitive playing field between U.S. and Chinese companies, both in China and around the world; and to strengthen our engagement with China on financial reform issues in both countries.

And we have made very, very significant progress in our economic relationship over the past two years. Our exports to China reached $110 billion last year and are growing about 50 percent faster than our exports to the rest of the world. And those exports are all the things Americans create and build – from agriculture, all sectors of manufacturing, services, and advanced technology – and they support hundreds of thousands of jobs across the United States.

Now, overall, we are seeing very promising shifts in the direction of Chinese economic policy. First on the exchange rate, since last June, as you know, the Chinese currency, the renminbi, has appreciated against the dollar by more than 5 percent, and at an annual rate of about 10 percent when you take into account the fact that Chinese inflation is significantly faster than that in the United States.

We hope that China moves to allow the exchange rate to appreciate more rapidly and more broadly against the currencies of all its trading partners. And this adjustment, of course, is critical not just to China’s ongoing efforts to contain inflationary pressures and to manage the risks that capital inflows bring to credit and asset markets, but also to encourage this broad shift to a growth strategy led by domestic demand.

China has outlined in its Five-Year Plan a comprehensive set of reforms, again, to shift its growth strategy away from one relying on exports to domestic demand. China has joined a broad commitment with other countries in the G-20 to put in place mechanisms to reduce the risk that we see once again the emergence of large, external imbalances that could threaten future financial stability and future economic growth.

This process is going to take time, and of course, it’s going to require a sustained effort of reform. But of course, it’s essential to the future health of the global economy and the trajectory of future growth in China. Again, we’re seeing progress here, too. If you just step back from and look, China’s current account surplus as a percent of GDP peaked at about 10 percent before the crisis. It’s now around 5 percent, and of course, we’d like to see that progress sustained.

This brings me to the third area, the third area of focus in our discussions, which is how to create a more level playing field. In our meetings over the last few days, we’ve seen some very important steps towards that goal, and let me just review a few of them. First, China committed to making long-term improvements in its high-level protection of intellectual property rights and enforcement regime to strengthen the inspection of government software and use at all levels of government. And this will help protect U.S. innovators as well as Chinese innovators in all industries, not just in software. And I think that’s very important.

China also confirmed that it will no longer employ government procurement preferences for indigenous innovation products at any level of government. And this is important to make sure, of course, that U.S. technology, U.S. firms, can compete fairly for business opportunities in China.

China has committed to increased transparency, requiring government authorities to publish regulations at least 30 days in advance, so again, that U.S. firms, all foreign firms, have the chance to see those informations – see those regulations in draft and they have the opportunity for input just as their Chinese counterparts do.

China and the United States, recognizing the importance of transparency and fairness in export credit policies, have agreed to undertake discussions on export – on the terms of our respective export credit policies. And this is important, of course, because China, by some measures, is the largest provider of export credit on – in the world.

And finally, we’ve been discussing with the Chinese authorities the important objective of how to make sure that companies in China that compete with state-owned enterprises are not put at a broader disadvantage.

The final focus of our discussions on the economic side was China’s ongoing financial reforms to create a more open, more flexible, more dynamic, more developed financial system. And these reforms, which are designed to increase the returns to savers, to further develop China’s equity and bond markets, and to expand opportunities for foreign financial institutions in China are very important and very promising, not just, of course, in expanding opportunities for U.S. institutions but also reinforcing this broad shift in strategy by the Chinese Government towards a growth strategy led by domestic demand.

Now, when President Hu visited Washington in January, President Obama described the evolution of our relationship as – quote – “a healthy competition that spurs both countries to innovate and become even more competitive.” And of course, just as China faces significant economic challenges at home, we have our challenges in the United States, too. And we are working very hard not just to repair the damage caused by this financial crisis, but to make sure that as we restore fiscal sustainability, as we return to living within our means as a country, we’re making sure we preserve the capacity to invest in things that are going to be critical to the future strength of the American economy. And I can say, based on the strength of our conversations and the strength of this emerging relationship, that this economic relationship with China is – will continue to grow, continue to deepen, and continue to provide tremendous opportunities for both nations. And you see today concrete, tangible signs of progress on both sides that underscore that commitment of both our presidents.

In conclusion, I just want to end where Secretary Clinton began, which is to thank the delegations on both sides, both the American and Chinese participants in these discussions. They brought a directness and candor and, frankly, greater openness than we’ve seen in the last two years, and I think that is very welcome. And I want to express my personal gratitude to Vice Premier Wang for his leadership in these discussions, and to compliment him for the very substantial changes he’s already been able to bring about. Thank you very much.

VICE PREMIER WANG: (Via interpreter) Dear friends from the press, under the guidance of President Hu Jintao and President Obama and thanks to the joint endeavor of the both sides, the third round of China-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogues has been a great success. The essential mission of our economic dialogue is to implement the important agreement reached between the two presidents during President Hu Jintao’s recent state visit to the United States this past January and to implement the building of China-U.S. comprehensive and mutually beneficial economic partnership.

We had in-depth discussions of our overarching strategic and long-term issues in bilateral economic cooperation, and arranged a host of win-win outcomes. Particularly, Secretary Geithner and I signed a China-U.S. comprehensive framework promoting strong, sustainable, and balanced economic growth and economic cooperation. Under the framework, the two countries will carry out an expanded, closer, and a more extensive economic cooperation. We agree that in today’s extremely complex economic environment, our two nations should further step up macroeconomic policy coordination and communication, and contribute to steady and sound economic growth in both countries.

We discussed the implications of European sovereign debt crisis, the nuclear leak disaster triggered by Japan’s earthquake, the turbulence in the Middle East for the global economy, and we highlight the international community should work together to ensure strong and a sustainable world economic recovery, to effectively advance the reform of global economic structure, to gradually build a fair and a reasonable international economic order.

The two sides agree that in a transformation of our respective growth models and economic restructuring, we will use respective strength and expanded cooperation in railway, power grids, and other infrastructure programs, and in clean energy, green economy, and science and technology innovation, and expand bi-national and the corporate exchanges and cooperation.

We highlight our commitment to build a more open trade and investment system. The United States commits to accord China fair treatment in a reform of its export control regime, relax high-tech exports control towards China, and to consult through the JCCT in a cooperative manner to work towards China’s market economy status in an expeditious and a comprehensive manner. And the two sides will strengthen cooperation in bilateral investment treaty negotiation and strengthen cooperation in IPR protection, food safety, and product quality. We will advance Doha round negotiations and reject trade and investment protectionism.

We also had in-depth discussions of financial cooperation and agreed to strengthen information-sharing and cooperation regarding the regulation of systemically important financial institutions, shadow banking, business, credit rating agencies, the reform of remunerations policy and combating illegal financing, and to jointly advance international financial architecture reform. The United States welcomes Chinese financial institutions to invest in America and to recognize China’s enormous progress in capital adequacy ratio, comprehensive consolidation supervision, and the other regulatory aspects. The United States commits to further enforce strong supervision of government-sponsored enterprises and to make sure they have enough capital to fulfill financial obligations.

Knowing oneself and each other is an important prerequisite for cooperation. In the economic dialogue, we increased our mutual understanding, expanded consensus, and arranged outcomes. This will give a strong boost to the growth of the China-U.S. comprehensive partnership based on mutual respect and mutual benefit.

I thank you, everyone, and I would like to thank Secretary Geithner and Secretary Clinton and the U.S. team for all the work you have done for a successful economic dialogue. Thank you.

STATE COUNCILOR DAI: (Via interpreter) Dear friends from the press, it’s a great pleasure to meet with you once again. The China-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogues have already completed its third round. For each and every round, we invite friends from the media to come here to draw a successful conclusion, so I’d like to thank you. This round of dialogue was held as President Hu Jintao paid a successful state visit to the U.S. earlier this year. The two sides agreed to build a China-U.S. partnership based on mutual respect and mutual benefit.

I want to tell you the following: First, on the strategic track, Secretary Clinton and I focused on the agreement of our two leaders and exchanged views on how to build a China-U.S cooperative partnership based on mutual respect and mutual benefit. We had in-depth and practical exchange of views.

Our dialogue covered many issues, including China-U.S. bilateral relations, major issues internationally and regionally, and we had a good conversation. We agreed that we must act in accordance with the spirit of the China-U.S. joint statements, work to increase our strategic mutual trust, enhance exchanges at higher levels, have closer dialogue on international and regional issues, and to further increase our people-to-people exchange.

We issued an outcome list of the strategic track which covered energy, environment, science, technology, transport, forestry, and climate change cooperations. I said we had a good conversation, and I did not mean that we agreed on each and every issue. However, after each round of dialogues, we successfully expanded our mutual understanding and increased our mutual trust and enhanced our cooperation, and this has added to our confidence of further developing our bilateral relations in the future.
Secondly, both of us agreed that we must increase our strategic mutual trust and deepen our practical cooperation. The U.S. had reaffirmed that it welcomes a strong, successful, and a prosperous China that plays a greater role in international affairs, and it does not seek to contain China. It respects China’s interests. And both sides reaffirmed their commitment to a peaceful – the Chinese side reaffirmed its commitment to the road of peaceful development, and will not challenge the United States interests.

A China-U.S. strategic security dialogue is a very important outcome of this dialogue. We agreed to hold this dialogue within the framework of the Strategic Dialogue, and held its first round of meeting this morning, and the China-U.S. strategic security dialogue will continue to be held in the future. We also talked about further deepening our bilateral cooperation and fostering new areas of cooperation and make our – the pie of our common interests bigger and more tasteful.

Thirdly, we agreed that we will work together in the Asia-Pacific region so that we can better coordinate with each other and better interact with each other in the Asia-Pacific. We agreed that Asia Pacific is broad enough to accommodate the interests of China and of the United States. We must work together in this region, work together with other countries in this region to uphold peace, stability in the Asia-Pacific and to promote the sustained prosperity of the Asia-Pacific and achieve the common development of all countries in this region so that the Pacific Ocean will become a peaceful one. We agreed that we will set up a consultation mechanism for Asia-Pacific region.

Fourthly, we both agree that we must work globally and respond to international as well as domestic challenges. Recently, there have been new and important changes in the international situation. For China and the United States as two influential countries, it is important that we have more consultation, coordination, and cooperation in order to promote and safeguard peace, stability, and the prosperity of the world. I wish to tell the friends from the media that the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, since its inception, has played a very important role in enhancing our mutual trust, coordinating our position, and promoting our mutually beneficial cooperation. China is ready to work with the U.S. side to further grow and make good use of this S&ED dialogue and mechanism so that it can better serve China-U.S. relations. On how to make use of this mechanism, I think we are open to the good suggestions and proposals from the friends of the media.

To conclude, like Vice Premier Wang Qishan, I would like to thank Secretaries Clinton and Geithner as well as colleagues and staff from China and from the U.S. for your hard work to ensure the success of this round of dialogue. I wish to thank the U.S. side for your thoughtful arrangements and to thank you, friends, from the media for your interest in this dialogue. I’m looking forward to seeing you again in Beijing next year and continue our dialogue. Thank you. (Applause.)

Remarks at the Conclusion of the Strategic and Economic Dialogue With China


Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Secretary of Treasury Timothy Geithner
Sidney R. Yates Auditorium, Department of the Interior
Washington, DC
May 10, 2011

MR. TONER: First question goes to Matt Pennington of the Associated Press.

QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, do you think the events of the recent months in the Middle East should hold a lesson for China that eventually popular will, will challenge and bring down authoritarian governments? And did you discuss – in either your public or private discussions, did you discuss these issues with your Chinese counterparts, and how did they respond?

SECRETARY CLINTON: First, let me say that we did discuss the events occurring in the Middle East and North Africa. We exchanged impressions and views about how individual nations as well as the region is moving in the pressures for transition, for changes, for political and economic reform. Every nation and every region is different. I think it is very difficult to draw any overall conclusions. In my discussions with State Councilor Dai, I pointed out that, starting in 2002, there were a series of reports done by Arab experts about the development of that region and how it had not kept up with the rest of the world, particularly Asia.

So there was a lot of exchange of ideas, but I don’t think that you can draw any specific conclusions other than to say that the United States supports the aspirations that the people in the Middle East and North Africa have expressed for more freedom, for more opportunity, for a better future for themselves and their families, and we will continue to support the people of the region as they try to realize those aspirations during this transition period.

MR. TONER: Our second question goes to Wei Ran of Xinhua News.

QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, I appreciate for giving me this opportunity. For the Chinese side, its government has always stated that it is sticking to a policy and it will continue to stick to a policy of a peaceful development. And as we all know, that the real purpose of this dialogue, or the purpose of any dialogue, is to enhance mutual understanding and mutual trust. So when this round of dialogue concluded today, could we say that the U.S. side now have a better understanding and better recognition of China’s strategic intent? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you for the question. And I agree with you that the purpose of any dialogue is to enhance mutual understanding and mutual trust in the other. I think we’ve made quite a bit of progress in the last three dialogues. This is a work in progress. I think that for both of our nations, with such different histories, cultures, experiences, development models, political systems, it is important that we continue intensive consultations.

And as both of us have said, we do not expect to find agreement on every issue. We know that we approach some of these sensitive matters from a very different perspective than our Chinese counterparts. But I do think it is fair to say – and it’s something that Secretary Geithner said as well in his opening statement – I do think we have a deeper understanding of the viewpoint of the other. I think we have had such an open dialogue on every issue, that we have built trust because we’re not keeping any issue under the table or off the agenda. We are talking about the hard issues, and we’re developing these habits of cooperation across our government.

In addition, this is not just a task for governments. We are placing great emphasis on our people-to-people, our business-to-business contacts and experiences. I was delighted at the lunch that Secretary Geithner and I hosted for a group of American and Chinese business leaders, that they had some of the same comments, even some of the same complaints about their own and other government interference with being able to maximize their business opportunities. So I do think we are reaching a much better understanding, and I think that’s one of the principal purposes of the dialogues.

MR. TONER: Our third question goes to Howard Schneider of Washington Post. Howard.

QUESTION: Thanks. Secretary Geithner, just – I’m curious. A lot of this stuff on the economic issue seems to be kind of pressing industry by industry, market by market, around the indigenous innovation issue. And I’m wondering, are you challenging with them the sort of core logic of indigenous innovation? And if so, what’s their response on that? Are you satisfied or do you just sort of battle it out policy by policy?

SECRETARY GEITHNER: We generally try not to do it sector by sector or business by citizens. I think our approach has been to try to look at the basic design of policy across the Chinese economy. And where we see the potential risk that policy may have the effect of putting foreign innovators, foreign companies, U.S. companies, at a disadvantage, then we encourage China to change those policies and to try to pursue their objective of encouraging the development of Chinese technologies through other means. And I think our general approach on these things is to try to come at the policy at the highest level, and we think that has the most effect.

I think if you look at China and the United States, we have still very, very different economic systems; very, very different traditions of approaching economic policy. And China does still have a largely state-dominated economy, and the government plays a much more active role in the direction of the economy. The financial system, of course, is still fundamentally directed by the state. And China is at the early stages, really, even with all the reforms of the last 30 years, of making that transition to an economy where the best technology wins, where the market and competition is the driving force in allocating capital.

But they’re changing, and I think they recognize that if China’s going to be any stronger in the future, they have to increase the role for the markets, strengthen the incentives for innovation in China, and allow for a more neutral competition. And I think that’s a fundamentally healthy recognition and, as I said in my opening remarks, I think you’re seeing China move in that direction. We think the direction of policy is very promising, and we’ve very confident we’re going to see substantial ongoing improvement in the opportunities that American companies have in the Chinese market, both American companies operating in China and companies that are creating and building things in the United States.

MR. TONER: And our last question is to Li Guanyun of The 21st Century Business Herald.

QUESTION: I have a question for Secretary Geithner. Minister Chen emphasized that the United States should trade Chinese investment into United States much equally. And this afternoon, you have had a dinner with some Chinese entrepreneurs, and I know that some of them is considering to investment – investing in United States. So I mean, as this round of dialogue which United States try to trade more equally to the Chinese investment, and how do you communicate with Chinese investors if there is a (inaudible)?

SECRETARY GEITHNER: Very good question, and it was an important part of our conversations these last two days, not just at lunch. So let me just make it clear. We welcome Chinese investment in the United States, and I am very confident that if you think – if you look over the next several years, you’re going to see Chinese investment in the United States continue to expand very, very rapidly. That will be good for the United States, good for China. Of course, that’s driven by the desire of Chinese companies to have more access to U.S. technology and to try to expand their opportunities in this market, and again, we welcome that. We have an open, nondiscriminatory regime with respect to investment from outside the United States. We treat Chinese companies, Chinese investment like we treat investment from any other country, and we’re going to continue to make sure we preserve that open investment regime, because it’s very important to the basic strengths and dynamism of the United States.

Now, to be fair, we also discussed China’s investment regime, the policies China has in place to screen and limit foreign investment in the United States. And of course, although we recognize China’s interest in expanding opportunities in the U.S. market, it’s worth recognizing that China’s own investment regime is a much more restrictive regime with a much more careful management and set of limitations on the ability of foreign firms to invest and purchase stakes in Chinese companies, but that’s changing, too. And again, I think it’s in China’s interest that change over time, and I expect you’re going to see us continue to look for concrete areas where we can reassure investors in both countries that they’re going to face more opportunities on the investment side both in China and the United States.

MR. TONER: Thank you. That is, unfortunately, all the time we have this afternoon, but we appreciate your participation. Thank you.

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Public schedule for May 10, 2011

Public Schedule

Washington, DC
May 10, 2011

Secretary Clinton and Secretary of the Treasury Tim Geithner co-host the third annual U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) with their counterparts, Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan and State Councilor Dai Bingguo, in Washington, DC. Click
here for more information.

9:25 a.m.  Secretary Clinton delivers remarks at the signing ceremony for six new U.S.-China EcoPartnerships, at the Department of State.

9:45 a.m.  Secretary Clinton leads the S&ED Strategic Track Small Group Session II with State Councilor Dai, at the Department of State.

11:50 a.m.  Secretary Clinton participates in the Inaugural Meeting of the Advisory Committee for the 100,000 Strong Initiative, in the Loy Henderson Auditorium at the Department of State.

12:15 p.m.  Secretary Clinton and Secretary Geithner co-host a luncheon with Vice Premier Wang, State Councilor Dai and U.S. and Chinese business leaders, at Blair House.

2:15 p.m.  Secretary Clinton, Secretary Geithner, Vice Premier Wang and State Councilor Dai deliver joint closing remarks for the S&ED, in the Department of the Interior’s Sidney R. Yates Auditorium.

2:50 p.m.  Secretary Clinton and Secretary Geithner hold a joint press availability, in the Department of the Interior’s Sidney R. Yates Auditorium.

5:15 p.m.  Secretary Clinton meets with Secretary of Defense Bob Gates and National Security Advisor Tom Donilon, at the White House.

6:35 p.m.  Secretary Clinton attends a dinner co-hosted by Ambassador Verveer and Muhtar Kent of Coca-Cola in honor of the Chinese delegation to Women-LEAD, an initiative sponsored by Yale University under the auspices of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, at the Metropolitan Club in Washington, DC.

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Mme. Secretary worked from early in the morning and late into the evening co-hosting the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue with Secretary Geithner. Here are some pics of her amazing day.

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